Importance of the Indian Linguistic Area and its implications on the Aryan Migration/Invasion Theory
(This article appeared first on MyIndMakers)
India is a multilingual society. According to the 1961 census, there were
1,652 languages in India. For these many
languages to exist and to survive the test of time, there needs to be a
cohesively conducive environment. And
there isn’t a better ingredient of such an environment than a prolonged era of
relative peace and tranquility. Believe
it or not, despite the epic Mahabharata war, the brutal Islamic invasion, and an
encumbering and destabilizing partition, India has been fortunate to have a
history of relative peace and tranquility compared to many other parts of the
world. This is evident in many facets of
the Indian civilization, none better than in its languages. Through the process known as ‘contact’ and ‘convergence’,
the languages of India that happen to belong to distinct linguistic families
have created something of a linguistic melting pot – a melting pot where
divergent linguistic identities merge and give rise to unique features. One of these features is when in a geographically
contiguous area, such as the Indian sub-continent, languages belonging to more
than one family start to show “traits in common which are found not to belong
to other members of (at least) one of the families.” M. B. Emenau calls such geographically
contiguous area as a Linguistic Area, and linguists describe India as one such
Area.
The concept of Indian Linguistic Area, though predicated
around languages, may have ramifications beyond it. One such area could be the notion of the
historically dominant but now debunked Aryan Migration/Aryan Invasion
Theory. The importance of the concept of
Linguistic Area, vis-à-vis Aryan Migration/Aryan Invasion Theory (henceforth,
AMT/AIT), seems to be borne out of the fact that it is in direct conflict with the
postulates of AMT/AIT, which until recently has been the dominant paradigm of
our historical, cultural, as well as political discourse. So, before we discuss some of the salient
features of the Indian Linguistic Area, let us take a quick look at AMT/AIT.
The Aryan Migration Theory assumes that the Aryans were the
original inhabitants of Central Asia and came to India in waves via its
northwestern boarders. However, recent
advances in science, most notably in genetics have shed some light on the
subject of migration (or non-migration) of Aryans in the Indian sub-continent. A group of scientists concluded in their 2006
study[1]
that the influence of Central Asia on the pre-existing gene pool in India was
“minor”. Their study further suggests
that there has not been any significant change in the South Asian genetic pool
in at least 10,000-15,000 years. The
study also claims that the genetic data is “more consistent with a peninsular
origin of Dravidian speakers than a source with proximity to the Indus.”
On the other hand, the Aryan Invasion Theory assumes that
the Aryans were fierce nomadic fighters who came to India and decimated the highly
advanced native (the Indus Valley) civilization. Word Arya
finds mention in several Vedic literatures.
However, most Indic scholars, such as Max Muller and David Frawley, are
of the opinion that Vedic Arya has
nothing to do with race.[2] Term Arya
in fact means “noble” or “spiritual” and has been used as such by the
“Buddhists, Jains, and Zoroastrians as well as Hindus” (Frawley). Many Indic scholars also believe that AIT/AIM
is nothing but a figment of imagination cooked up by the European colonialists
and later on perpetuated by the Marxist historians.[3] N. S. Rajaram writes that “the idea of Aryans
as foreigner who invaded India and destroyed the existing Harappan Civilization
is a modern European invention; it receives no support whatsoever from Indian
records – literary or archaeological”.
Historical linguist Hans Hock calls the Aryan Invasion Theory “so 19th
century … it reeks of the whole idea of nations invading other nations,
subjugating them … is a fairly recent development in human history … to back
project a 19th century ideology of Western colonial empires on to
pre-history somewhere may be in the 2nd millennium BC seems to be
totally anachronistic.”[4] Also, scientific and archaeological evidence
show no signs of any major armed conflict.[5] In fact archaeologists, such as B.B. Lal,
consider Vedic and Harappan civilization as the literary and material facets of
the same civilization.[6] Further, recent studies have pointed towards
climate change as the most viable reasons for the decline of the Harappan (or
Indus-Saraswati Valley) Civilization, not wars.[7]
With such developments, the focus should now shift towards
co-existence, contact, and convergence, away from the narratives of migration
and conflict. This is where the notion
of Indian Linguistic Area comes into picture.
Linguistic Area, as mentioned earlier, is a convergence phenomenon, a
sort of diffusion of linguistic traits across the genetic boundaries amongst
multiple language families. In a
multilingual context, speakers change the way they use their language at many
levels because of the influence of the speakers of the other languages they come
into contact. If this situation persists
for a prolonged period, distinct languages become similar to each other. This change may occur at levels including
vocabulary, sound system, syntactic or grammatical structures, etc. In this process of assimilation, they gain
some of the features that are not part of their linguistic DNA. So for example, most Indian languages are
marked by the absence of a system of prepositions. They, in stead, have postpositions. For example, one would say mez ke upar (above the table) in
Hindi. Here, as we can see, ke upar comes after the noun mez (hence, postposition) as opposed to
English where ‘above’ comes before the noun ‘table’. It is evident from this example that despite
being genetically related (proto-Indo-European), the two languages Hindi and
English differ with each other in terms of this linguistic feature. But the important fact to note here is that
this feature of postposition is shared among may unrelated languages of South
Asia.
Indian Linguistic Area is characterized by at least 4 major
language families. They include (1)
Indio-Aryan, (2) Dravidian, (3) Tibeto-Burman, and (4) Austro-Asiatic (or
Munda). Indo-Aryan languages include
Sanskrit, Hindi, Marathi, etc. These
languages are spoken mostly in the north, and northwestern parts of India. Tamil, Kannada, Telugu, etc., are Dravidian
languages and are spoken in the peninsular south. Tibeto-Burman languages include Naga, Meitei,
etc. and their concentration is primarily in the North-East of India. Munda languages include Kharia, Mundari, Ho, Santhali,
etc. Most of the Munda languages are
spoken in the Chotanagpur region.
However, in their spread as language islands throughout the country they
are surrounded by either Indo-Aryan or Dravidian languages. Language contact and multilingualism is an important
feature of the Indian subcontinent.
Multilingualism in this part of the globe is the norm, which is
characterized by a shared history and contact of thousands of years. Borrowing of words across languages is quite
common as it is probably the easiest of all linguistic features to notice. So, it is quite common to find Sanskrit
(Indo-Aryan) words in the members of other languages families of India. However, there are several other features of
the languages of the Indian sub-continent that can only be explained in terms
of long-term peaceful coexistence in a Linguistic Area which has given rise to
conflicting yet distinct and pan-Indian linguistic patterns within the diverse
language families of India. Some of the
features of Indian Linguistic Area include SOV word order, retroflex sounds,
and ‘reduplication’.
With some minor exceptions (Khasi, for example), most Indian
languages, cutting across language families, have SOV word order. This means, in sentence formation, the
Subject, the Object, and the Verb appear in that order. For examples, in Hindi,
Ram-ne Sita
ko kalam di.
Ram to Sita pen gave
Ram gave a
pen to Sita.
Similarly, in Kannada.
Naanu mane kattidenu
I the home built
I built the
house.
Point to notice here is that genetically related (proto
Indo-European) languages of Hindi outside the Indian Linguistics area are
mostly characterized by SVO word order.
For example, see the English translation of Hindi and Kannada
sentences.
Similarly, the hard retroflex sounds like t- in tamatar (Hindi, or tomato in English) and voiceless aspirated
sounds (if you put your palm close to your mouth, you can feel a warm puff of
air coming out) like kh (as in Hindi khana, or food in English), and ph (as in Hindi phal, or fruit in English) are commons features among most Indian
languages. These sounds are so widespread
that they can be found “even in those languages that were isolated for thousands
of years, e.g. Andamanese’, notes linguist Anvita Abbi. Once again, for contrast, English does not
have either of these two sounds.
Another Indian Linguistic Area feature is ‘reduplication’,
which refers to a complete or partial repetition of a base word. Once again, this feature appears in almost
all Indian languages regardless of their genetic affiliation. For example, ghar-ghar (every house, Hindi), and chinna-chinna (teeny weany or very tiny, Tamil). Notice here that such words are formed by
fully (or partially) repeating a base word.
However, the newly ‘reduplicated’ word has a slightly different
meaning.
Research on Indian Linguistic areas has revealed several
similar features found across linguistic families. In recent past linguist Anvita Abbi has
extensively researched several features of Indian Linguistic Area and has
published her findings in numerous books and articles. It is evident from the above discussion that
the notion of an Indian Linguistic Area is the perfect antidote of the now
debunked AIT/AMT. However, it is
unfortunate that the features of the Indian Linguistic Area have barely been
highlighted. In its place, the plurality
of languages has been used by the vested interests for narrow political gains
as well as for fomenting violence and unrest leading to weakening and
unsettling of the social fabric in India.
The Aryan vs. Dravidian and tribal vs. non-tribal controversy has been
the hallmark of identity politics in India whereas the Linguistic Area
convergence features have been totally overlooked. It is time we recognize and highlight these
features and bid adieu to all divisive narratives.
Footnotes & References:
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